When President Trump rolled out his new 10 % across-the-board tariff this year, the usual fireworks went off in Washington. Democrats clutched their pearls, the media went into DEFCON 1, and—perhaps most surprisingly—a handful of Senate Republicans broke ranks to challenge the plan.

This week, the Senate even voted to roll back some of the tariffs, calling them too broad and too risky for consumers. Folks like Mitch McConnell, Susan Collins, and Rand Paul warned that a “global tariff” could hurt working Americans by raising prices.

Now, let’s pause right there. They’re not wrong to worry about costs. But they’re also missing half the story.

America’s been the world’s doormat for decades

Let’s face it, our trade deals for the last 30 years have been a mess. Both parties own that. Democrats pushed “globalization” as a moral cause, and too many Republicans went along for the ride because big corporations wanted cheap labor overseas.

The result? Towns gutted. Factories gone. Families surviving on Amazon delivery jobs instead of making the products themselves.

President Trump saw that and said, “No more.” Tariffs aren’t perfect, but they’re leverage. And for the first time in a long time, the U.S. actually used that leverage.

So, when critics warn that tariffs will “raise prices,” I’d ask: Compared to what? Compared to losing whole industries? Compared to letting China dump steel and undercut our workers? Sometimes protecting your home costs a little extra at the hardware store. That’s not bad economics. It’s common sense.

But power needs boundaries

Here’s where the Senate does have a point. President Trump invoked a national emergency to justify broad tariffs, and that’s a constitutional red flag. The Founding Fathers gave Congress—not the president—the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations (Article I, Section 8).

Conservatives, of all people, should be wary of letting any president—Republican or Democrat—flex emergency powers to make sweeping tax-like policies. Because one day, that pen will be in a Democrat’s hand again.

So yes, protect American workers, but do it through the proper channels. Congress should be part of the trade conversation. That’s not weakness; it’s constitutional fidelity.

The GOP’s family argument

What we’re seeing right now inside the Republican Party is a good old-fashioned family debate. On one side, you’ve got the America First wing that wants strong tariffs and tougher trade rules. On the other, you’ve got free-market conservatives who think the best trade policy is as little trade policy as possible.

And you know what? Both sides have a point.

We don’t want to go back to the days when Wall Street dictated everything while Main Street got hollowed out. But we also don’t want Washington swinging a sledgehammer at every trading partner just to look tough. A wise leader does both: defends American jobs and keeps the market healthy.

Balance and backbone

The Bible says, “A false balance is abomination to the Lord: but a just weight is his delight” (Proverbs 11:1). That’s good advice for trade, too.

Fairness doesn’t mean weakness, and toughness doesn’t mean chaos. President Trump’s instincts are right. America has to protect its workers and demand fair trade. But the method needs a steady hand and a clear boundary of power.

If Congress can refine these tariffs, make them targeted, and keep the executive branch in its constitutional lane, we could have the best of both worlds: strong American industry and a government that respects its own limits.

Final thought

Tariffs aren’t the enemy. Indifference is. For decades, both parties shrugged while foreign governments gamed the system and American communities paid the price. President Trump has forced Washington to stop shrugging. And for that, he deserves credit.

But now it’s time for conservatives to step up and make sure that in our zeal to protect American workers, we don’t trample the Constitution in the process. Because true conservatism isn’t about choosing between prosperity and principle. It’s about holding fast to both.